Wednesday, February 17, 2010

Roach Motel


Aman Betheja of The Fort Worth Star-Telegram recently posted an entry on PoliTex, the paper’s political blog, in which he reports that Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia has weighed in on the secession question (to the degree that there is one).

According to Justice Scalia, there is no right to secede. In a letter written to an aspiring screenwriter, Scalia states, "If there was any constitutional issue resolved by the Civil War, it is that there is no right to secede. (Hence, in the Pledge of Allegiance, ‘one Nation, indivisible.’)"

Granted, a judge’s personal correspondence concerning a hypothetical situation is in no way binding. Nevertheless, Supreme Court Justices do find themselves from time to time in a position to give their opinions the force of law, so it behooves one to pay attention whenever they speak on such matters.

Justice Scalia is generally considered to be a strict constructionist and one of the foremost proponents of the concept of originalism, which is the belief that the U.S. Constitution should be interpreted according to the intent of those who composed and adopted it. If his opinion on secession is any indication, it would appear that his reputation in this regard is greatly exaggerated.

When it comes to secession, the founders’ original intent is quite clear, and stands in stark contrast to Scalia’s interpretation. Thomas Jefferson gave his two cents on the issue during his inaugural address, saying, "If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left to combat it."

It may be argued that Jefferson merely authored the Declaration of Independence, not the Constitution, so what did he know about it, anyway? Fair enough. Thomas Jefferson might not have been the father of the Constitution, but James Madison certainly was. Mr. Madison was also clear on the subject of secession. In Federalist Paper 39 he wrote that the proposed Constitution would be subject to ratification by the people, "not as individuals composing one entire nation, but as composing the distinct and independent States to which they respectively belong." The original intent to which Justice Scalia allegedly adheres was that the federal government would be the servant, not master, of the sovereign states. Sovereignty implies the right of association, which in turn implies the right not to associate – i.e., the right to secede.

It would be very interesting to read an in-depth legal argument from Justice Scalia supporting his assertion against the right of secession – and I mean that in all seriousness. I recognize that his comments were made informally, and I suspect that there’s more to his argument than just the claim that the Civil War settled the Constitutional question. As far as the issue of secession goes, the only thing the Civil War proved was that the anti-secessionist forces could kill more people than the secessionist forces could. It was clearly an effective strategy, but it hardly rose to the level of high legal theory.

For now, though, let’s take Justice Scalia’s position and run with it. If there is no right to secede, then surely the original thirteen colonies were not within their rights when they declared their independence from Great Britain. The Declaration of Independence is a secessionist document, after all. Does Justice Scalia believe that the colonies violated the rights of the British when they withdrew their allegiance to King George III? If that’s the case, then we should begin reunification talks with the U.K. immediately to rectify what must surely be one of the rankest injustices ever committed against the Crown.

We are perhaps fortunate that Justice Scalia was not in a position of power during the time of the American Revolution. If he had been, the Declaration might have read something like this instead:

“When in the Course of human events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that those who feel that way should just shut the hell up and quit whining!”

It might have lacked the poetry of the original version, but it certainly would have conveyed Scalia’s meaning in no uncertain terms.

As I have stated
before, I’m not arguing that secession is a good idea in any particular context. I’m only pointing out the fact that the most basic concepts of American civics – and indeed the very founding of the United States as an independent nation - necessarily imply the right to secede. If, as Justice Scalia has indicated, the right to secede does not exist – if there is never any justification for political separation, no matter how long the train of abuses and usurpations, no matter how absolute the despotism - then surely we can do away with the myth that ours is a government that derives its just powers by the consent of the governed. If it is neither possible to refuse to consent nor to withdraw one’s consent once given, then the very notion of consent itself is meaningless.

So be it. Perhaps it would be better to let go of the fantasy altogether, rather than pretend that Americans are still free to shape their own political associations. After all, Justice Scalia is right in one very important regard – history has shown that people who wish to depart a political union once it has been established have a high probability of getting shot for their troubles. So instead of teaching our schoolchildren a bunch of political fairy tales about our fair Republic, let’s teach them Justice Scalia’s “roach motel” theory of political union instead:

“The United States of America – you can check in, but you can’t check out.”

Monday, February 15, 2010

Give Me Fiscal Discipline, But Not Yet

In February 2009, President Barack Obama gave the members of the National Governors Association a lecture on fiscal responsibility, saying, "Contrary to the prevailing wisdom in Washington these past few years, we cannot simply spend as we please and defer the consequences to the next budget, the next administration, or the next generation.”

Just one year later, President Obama presented Congress with a $3.8 trillion budget proposal while simultaneously
reiterating his commitment to fiscal discipline. Again, according to the President, “We simply cannot continue to spend as if deficits don't have consequences, as if waste doesn't matter." Nevertheless, spending as if deficits don’t have consequences and as if waste doesn’t matter continues to be the norm in Washington, and the latest budget is no exception.

The budget - heralded as “
A New Era of Responsibility” by its White House authors and paid cheerleaders in the Office of Management and Budget - lays out the President’s plan to shatter his Republican predecessor’s record spending spree and institutionalize deficit spending for the entire planning period. According to the White House’s own overly optimistic projections, annual deficits will never fall below 3.6% of GDP. By the end of the budget’s planning horizon in 2020, the deficit will be 4.2% and the debt-to-GDP ratio will have risen to 77.2%.

And in related news, the President recently
signed a bill raising the government’s debt ceiling to $14.3 trillion. This makes perfect sense, of course. Any financial planner will tell you that when you’re up to your eyeballs in debt, the prudent course of action is to take out additional credit cards and loans so you can spend more money you don’t have. As long as you don’t cut spending, you should be just fine, right?

Obama’s ability to preach fiscal discipline while spending recklessly brings to mind the words of
St. Augustine, who famously prayed for God to give him chastity and continence, but not yet. Obama has added his own unique twist, with the updated version reading, “Give me fiscal discipline, but not yet.”

And we should keep in mind that $3.8 trillion is just the opening bid. The actual spending, deficits, and debt will no doubt be much higher than the paltry sums outlined in the proposal, particularly when one considers that the White House is
basing its projections on higher average growth rates than anyone else is predicting.

Obama is not the first President to overpromise and underdeliver, nor will he be the last. I remember when
President Bush submitted his $2.7 trillion budget for 2007. That was enough to convince me that the Republicans were nuts - but then again, that was back when $2.7 trillion was considered a lot of money. It’s all part of the Keynesian package, I suppose. Hayekian economic theory may rule reality, but Keynesianism rules Washington. How could it be otherwise? As Hans Sennholz wrote in The Freeman back in 1991,
“Federal legislators and administrators apparently cannot free themselves from
the spell of Keynesianism. It has such a compelling attraction because it
elevates to good economics the thing they like to do most—spend other people’s
money. Keynesianism permits administrators to yield to any and all spending
pressures by Congress, and encourages them to take the lead in new spending
initiatives. It confers respectability on political profligacy.

Unfortunately, government spending does not sustain, stimulate, or invigorate an economy. On the contrary, it diverts economic resources to many unproductive uses and thereby aggravates a recession. Boosts in spending allocate more resources to the ever-growing bureaucracy and the favorite recipients of Federal largess. This is why the Federal budgets may actually deepen and prolong the present recession.”
So there is nothing new or groundbreaking in President Obama’s $3.8 trillion disaster. With it, he treads the same familiar Keynesian territory that his predecessors have treaded for the better part of a century. If the latest budget proposal is at all noteworthy, it is only due to its magnitude, not its underlying philosophy.

The Office of Management and Budget’s website displays another recent quote from President Obama on fiscal discipline. As the man says, “Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it’s time to try something new. Let’s invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let’s meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let’s try common sense.”

He forgot to add, “…but not yet.”